If you think back to Clarence Thomas's Supreme Court confirmation
hearings in 1991, what most likely comes to mind are the explosive
allegations of sexual harassment made by the law professor Anita Hill.
Years from now, however, when observers of the court look back on the
hearings, they may well focus on a clash that preceded Hill's
accusations -- an acrimonious exchange that few remember today.
What could Jeffrey Rosen be referring?
Early in the hearings, Joseph Biden, the Delaware Democrat who was
chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, voiced a concern about
Thomas's judicial philosophy. In particular, he singled out a speech
that Thomas gave in 1987 in which he expressed an affinity for the
ideas of legal scholars like Richard A. Epstein. A law professor at the
University of Chicago, Epstein was notorious in legal circles for his
thesis that many of the laws underpinning the modern welfare state are
unconstitutional. Thomas tried to assure Biden that he was interested
in ideas like Epstein's only as a matter of ''political theory'' and
that he would not actually implement them as a Supreme Court justice.
Biden, apparently unpersuaded, picked up a copy of Epstein's 1985 book,
''Takings: Private Property and the Power of Eminent Domain,'' and
theatrically waved it in the air. Anyone who embraced the book's
extreme thesis, he seemed to be suggesting, was unfit to sit on the
court.
So what's the problem with Epstein's views?
At the time, it was impossible to know whether Biden was right to
worry. He was surely right, though, that Epstein was promoting a legal
philosophy far more radical in its implications than anything
entertained by Antonin Scalia, then, as now, the court's most irascible
conservative. As Epstein sees it, all individuals have certain inherent
rights and liberties, including ''economic'' liberties, like the right
to property and, more crucially, the right to part with it only
voluntarily. These rights are violated any time an individual is
deprived of his property without compensation -- when it is stolen, for
example, but also when it is subjected to governmental regulation that
reduces its value or when a government fails to provide greater
security in exchange for the property it seizes. In Epstein's view,
these libertarian freedoms are not only defensible as a matter of
political philosophy but are also protected by the United States
Constitution. Any government that violates them is, by his lights,
repressive. One such government, in Epstein's worldview, is our
government. When Epstein gazes across America, he sees a nation in the
chains of minimum-wage laws and zoning regulations. His theory calls
for the country to be deregulated in a manner not seen since before
Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal.
You can almost feel the disbelief in the importance of property rights as the most fundamental right. How dare Epstein (or Thomas) proclaim property as the guarantee of all other rights? What about the importance of civil liberties that conflict with property rights? Mustn't we protect the New Deal at all cost?
Thanks to Alex Tabbarok for the pointer.